Urgent Call for Solidarity and Action from the Union of Southeastern Anatolia Region Municipalities

Urgent Call for Solidarity and Action from the Union of Southeastern Anatolia Region Municipalities

Urgent Call for Solidarity and Action from the Union of Southeastern Anatolia Region Municipalities

By : Jadaliyya Reports

[The following call for action was issued by Giiltan Kianak on behlaf of the Union of Southeastern Anatolia Region Municipalities.]

Union of Southeastern Anatolia Region Municialities

Urgent Call for Solidarity and Action 

In the course of armed conflict that restarted in the Kurdish region of Turkey after general elections in June 2015, 186 civilians most of which are women or children have died so far, hundreds of them were injured and thousands of people were arrested. Concerning co-mayors who are mem­ bers of our union, 17 of them are now arrested while 25 of them were suspended from their duty and 6 of them were issued arrest warrants since July 2015. In order to end human rights violations in our region, there is an urgent need for revitalizing peace talks for resolution of Kurdish question in Tur­ key.

Since the August of this year, as a reaction to repressive policies of Turkish state that re­ surged, people`s assemblies in many Kurdish cities and towns voiced their demands for self-governance. These demands for self-governance, aiming at achieving decentralized structural transformation against centralism, were responded by Turkish government with disproportionate state-led   violence. In Kurdish cities where demands were self-governance raised, especially in Cizre, Sur, Silvan, Nusaybin , Dargeçit, Silopi and Yüksekova, the Turkish government declared curfews which have continued for weeks during which civilians have been killed by Turkish security forces while mass migration of residents of cities under curfew continue. Even bodies of civilians killed by the Turkish state are not allowed to be buried for days due to the curfew and they were kept in houses. In addition  to this, tens of civilians were targeted by Turkish snipers while those injured civilians were prevented from access to health care by security forces. Unfortunately, these developments still recur day by day in those above mentioned cities. As a result of ongoing armed conflicts, more than 200,000 people had to migrate from conflict zones and this number still increases. Moreover, historical buildings in Sur district of Diyarbakır city which were recognized by the UNESCO as the world heritage are also under danger due to armed clashes. So far, Kurşunlu Mosque and Pasha Hamam which were built in the 16th century were targeted by the Turkish security forces and physically destructed to an extent that restoration endeavors might never be enough in  future.

Following re-escalation of armed conflict, 18 towns having population about 100K have witnessed curfews and 5 of these towns are still curfews areas as of 21st of December, 2015. More importantly, ongoing armed conflicts in urban areas has reached to a new and more detrimental stage by the 14th of December, 2015. Tanks and heavy weaponry which are only used in conventional warfare started to be used by Turkish Armed Forces in areas where hundred thousands of civilians live. The number of soldiers and police have increased drastically in recent weeks in our region. According to statistics given by Turkish state authorities, 14 generals, 26 colonels and 10 thousand soldiers were transferred only for the Şırnak city and 5 thousand more soldiers will be transferred in following days. In addition to this, National Education Directorates in Cizre and Silopi made an official call for teachers to leave those cities. Ministry of Health sent an official memorandum to hospitals in our region to have more personnel pouch and stock medical care equipment as much as possible. All peaceful demonstrations aiming at protesting curfews and human rights violation also faced police brutality and repression.

  • International media agencies, reporters and journalists come conflict-zone in order to see and report what is happening on the ground;
  • Both governmental and non-governmental organizations working on human rights send delegations to diagnose and report rights violations in the conflict zone;
  • International delegations come to visit arrested co-mayors and monitor their imprisonment conditions as well as the judicial process;
  • All international actors make an urgent call to all related parties for retreating armed forces from urban areas as well as heavy weaponry to make a bilateral ceasefire possible;
  • All related governments end the silence and communicate with Turkish government for above mentioned to restart peace talks which continued for 2.5 years but ended in July, 2015.


Giiltan Kianak
Co-Chair of GABB
Co-Mayor of Diyarbakir Metropolitan Munciaplity

 

 

 

 

 

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UNION OF SOUTHEASTERN ANATOLIA REGION MUNICIPALITIES

 

 

 

 

NOTICE: Data used in this letter relies on reports and press statements released by Human Rights Association and Diyarbakir Bar Association

 

APP.1: Basic Information on curfew areas as of 21st of December: Cizre / Sirnak:

Curfews declared for 5 times. The last one started on 14th of December, 2015 and continues since then. In total, Cizre remained under curfew for 21 days. Since July 2015, 39 people died in Cizre while 7 people were killed during the last curfew.

Silopi / Sirnak:

 

Curfews declared for 3 times. The last one started on 14th of December, 2015 and continues since then. In total, Silopi remained under curfew for 10 days. Since July 2015, 25 people died in Silopi while 10 people were killed during the last curfew.

 

Nusaybin / Mardin:

 

Curfews declared for 7 times. The last one started on 14th of December, 2015 and continues since then. In total, Nusaybin remained under curfew for 38 days. Since July 2015, 22 people died in Silopi while 2 people were killed during the last curfew.

 

Dargeçit / Mardin:

 

Curfews declared for 2 times. The last one started on 11th of December, 2015 and continues since then. In total, Nusaybin remained under curfew for 14 days. Since July 2015, 4 people died in Silopi while 2 people were killed during the last curfew.

 

Sur / Diyarbakir:

 

Curfews declared for 6 times. The last one started on 2nd of December, 2015 and continues since then. In total, Sur remained under curfew for 30 days. Since July 2015, 10people died in Surici while 5 people were killed during the last curfew.

 

APP .2: General Data on the Recent Armed Conflicts and Massacres

 

As of 10th of December, the number of guerillas, soldiers and policeman died is approximately 400.

 

100 people died during the bomb attack in Ankara on Peace March that took place on 10th of October, 2015

 

33 people died during the bomb attack in Suruc targeting socialist youth / Urfa on 20th of July, 2015

 

8 civilians died as a result of airstrikes launched by Turkish Warcraft on Qandil Mountains in Zergele Village on 1st of August, 2015

 

In total, 186 civilians died during curfews, protests and executions since July 2015

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Past is Present: Settler Colonialism Matters!

On 5-6 March 2011, the Palestine Society at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) in London will hold its seventh annual conference, "Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine." This year`s conference aims to understand Zionism as a settler colonial project which has, for more than a century, subjected Palestine and Palestinians to a structural and violent form of destruction, dispossession, land appropriation and erasure in the pursuit of a new Jewish Israeli society. By organizing this conference, we hope to reclaim and revive the settler colonial paradigm and to outline its potential to inform and guide political strategy and mobilization.

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is often described as unique and exceptional with little resemblance to other historical or ongoing colonial conflicts. Yet, for Zionism, like other settler colonial projects such as the British colonization of Ireland or European settlement of North America, South Africa or Australia, the imperative is to control the land and its resources -- and to displace the original inhabitants. Indeed, as conference keynote speaker Patrick Wolfe, one of the foremost scholars on settler colonialism and professor at La Trobe University in Victoria, Australia, argues, "the logic of this project, a sustained institutional tendency to eliminate the Indigenous population, informs a range of historical practices that might otherwise appear distinct--invasion is a structure not an event."[i]

Therefore, the classification of the Zionist movement as a settler colonial project, and the Israeli state as its manifestation, is not merely intended as a statement on the historical origins of Israel, nor as a rhetorical or polemical device. Rather, the aim is to highlight Zionism`s structural continuities and the ideology which informs Israeli policies and practices in Palestine and toward Palestinians everywhere. Thus, the Nakba -- whether viewed as a spontaneous, violent episode in war, or the implementation of a preconceived master plan -- should be understood as both the precondition for the creation of Israel and the logical outcome of Zionist settlement in Palestine.

Moreover, it is this same logic that sustains the continuation of the Nakba today. As remarked by Benny Morris, “had he [David Ben Gurion] carried out full expulsion--rather than partial--he would have stabilised the State of Israel for generations.”[ii] Yet, plagued by an “instability”--defined by the very existence of the Palestinian nation--Israel continues its daily state practices in its quest to fulfill Zionism’s logic to maximize the amount of land under its control with the minimum number of Palestinians on it. These practices take a painful array of manifestations: aerial and maritime bombardment, massacre and invasion, house demolitions, land theft, identity card confiscation, racist laws and loyalty tests, the wall, the siege on Gaza, cultural appropriation, and the dependence on willing (or unwilling) native collaboration and security arrangements, all with the continued support and backing of imperial power. 

Despite these enduring practices however, the settler colonial paradigm has largely fallen into disuse. As a paradigm, it once served as a primary ideological and political framework for all Palestinian political factions and trends, and informed the intellectual work of committed academics and revolutionary scholars, both Palestinians and Jews.

The conference thus asks where and why the settler colonial paradigm was lost, both in scholarship on Palestine and in politics; how do current analyses and theoretical trends that have arisen in its place address present and historical realities? While acknowledging the creativity of these new interpretations, we must nonetheless ask: when exactly did Palestinian natives find themselves in a "post-colonial" condition? When did the ongoing struggle over land become a "post-conflict" situation? When did Israel become a "post-Zionist" society? And when did the fortification of Palestinian ghettos and reservations become "state-building"?

In outlining settler colonialism as a central paradigm from which to understand Palestine, this conference re-invigorates it as a tool by which to analyze the present situation. In doing so, it contests solutions which accommodate Zionism, and more significantly, builds settler colonialism as a political analysis that can embolden and inform a strategy of active, mutual, and principled Palestinian alignment with the Arab struggle for self-determination, and indigenous struggles in the US, Latin America, Oceania, and elsewhere.

Such an alignment would expand the tools available to Palestinians and their solidarity movement, and reconnect the struggle to its own history of anti-colonial internationalism. At its core, this internationalism asserts that the Palestinian struggle against Zionist settler colonialism can only be won when it is embedded within, and empowered by, the broader Arab movement for emancipation and the indigenous, anti-racist and anti-colonial movement--from Arizona to Auckland.

SOAS Palestine Society invites everyone to join us at what promises to be a significant intervention in Palestine activism and scholarship.

For over 30 years, SOAS Palestine Society has heightened awareness and understanding of the Palestinian people, their rights, culture, and struggle for self-determination, amongst students, faculty, staff, and the broader public. SOAS Palestine society aims to continuously push the frontiers of discourse in an effort to make provocative arguments and to stimulate debate and organizing for justice in Palestine through relevant conferences, and events ranging from the intellectual and political impact of Edward Said`s life and work (2004), international law and the Palestine question (2005), the economy of Palestine and its occupation (2006), the one state (2007), 60 Years of Nakba, 60 Years of Resistance (2009), and most recently, the Left in Palestine (2010).

For more information on the SOAS Palestine Society 7th annual conference, Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine: www.soaspalsoc.org

SOAS Palestine Society Organizing Collective is a group of committed students that has undertaken to organize annual academic conferences on Palestine since 2003.

 


[i] Patrick Wolfe, Settler Colonialism and the Transformation of Anthropology: The Politics and Poetics of an Ethnographic Event, Cassell, London, p. 163

[ii] Interview with Benny Morris, Survival of the Fittest, Haaretz, 9. January 2004, http://cosmos.ucc.ie/cs1064/jabowen/IPSC/php/art.php?aid=5412